Science, culture, complexity

Tag: The Wire

  • Posting stats — 2024

    When I joined The Wire in 2015, the average length of my blog posts increased from around 700 words to around 850 words, and over time to 1,000 words. This wasn’t forced so much as a natural reflection of the average length of pieces that worked on The Wire, also around 1,000 words. The trend held through 2018 and 2019 as well: the average post length dipped in these years because I published a very large number of posts and many of them were short, vignette-like. The same ‘natural forcing’ happened when I joined The Hindu in January 2023, with the average blog post length matching what worked at my workplace. I don’t understand exactly how this happens but I’m glad that it does.

    On a related note, I recently discovered this amusing snippet in The Book of Imaginary Beings (1969) by Jorge Luis Borges and Margarita Guerrero. Now I like to imagine I keep writing to prevent the monkey from drinking whatever is left of the ink…

  • 12 years and counting

    I’ve been a journalist for 12 years. For the first few years these anniversaries helped to remember that I was able to survive in the industry but now, after 12, I’m well and truly part of the industry itself — the thing that others survive — and the observances don’t mean anything as such. This said, my professional clock runs from June 1 from May 31 and the day is when I break up the last 365 days into a neat little block of memories and put it away, with some notes about whether anything was worth remembering.

    Last year of course, I joined The Hindu as deputy science editor and began a new chapter in many ways (see here and here). One that I’d like to take note of here is The Hindu’s paywall. As you may know, thehindu.com has soft and hard paywalls. You hit the former when you read 10 free articles; the eleventh will have to be paid for. The latter is the paywall in front of articles that are otherwise not freely available to read. Most articles behind a soft paywall are straight news reports and, of course, The Hindu’s prized editorials. Analyses, commentaries, features, and most explainers are behind the hard paywall.

    We all know why these barriers exist: journalism needs to be paid for, and better journalism all the more so. But one straightforward downside is that the contents of articles behind paywalls are rarely, if ever, represented in the public conversations and debates of the day — and I haven’t been able to make my peace with this fact. Yet.

    Eight years at The Wire spoilt me for it but the upside was clear: everything from analysis to commentary would be part of the marketplace of ideas. Siddharth Varadarajan was clear The Wire would always be free to read. Of course, The Wire and The Hindu are different beasts and pursuing very different survival strategies, and on the path The Hindu is treading, quite simply forcing people to pay to read has become necessary.

    This shift has also forced me to contend with my own writing — mostly explainers, op-eds, and reports of physics research — being confined to a smaller, but paying, subset of The Hindu’s readers rather than all of them as well as to the public at large, which in turn often makes me feel… distance, not readily visible, if at all.

    Just one more thing to figure out. 🙂

  • A Q&A about philosophy in journalism

    Earlier this year, Varun Bhatta, assistant professor of philosophy at the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research, Bhopal, reached out to ask me some questions for something he was writing about the representation of philosophical ideas in journalism. He interviewed others as well and subsequently wrote and published his article with The Wire on March 2, 2024.

    I’m pasting the conversation the two of us had in full below, with Varun’s permission. Varun also wrote the introductory note, as a preface to the questions. His questions are in bold; my responses are in normal type.

    Preface

    Newspaper journalists, while writing on a topic, use theories and ideas from history, sociology, economics, sciences and other disciplines to establish the relevance of the topic and analyse the pertinent questions. However, rarely do they draw from philosophical theories that are equally relevant to the topic. Why is it that, for instance, we do not see social/moral/political philosophers’ views also being presented in articles on social topics? Similarly, while presenting a scientific topic, it is not common to find insights from the philosophy of science. Why is that philosophy glaringly absent in newspaper journalism that otherwise seamlessly synthesises views from numerous domains while presenting on a topic?

    The non-engagement with philosophy is a characteristic of journalism across the world. There have been a few initiatives – both from journalists and philosophers – to bridge this gap in the Global North. One of the well-known projects in this regard was the column The Stone at the New York Times. Irish Times still runs a philosophy column Unthinkable. There have been very few journalists who have expressed their fruitful engagement with philosophy. (See here and here.) Also, the new kind of journalism brought by Aeon and The Conversation has provided the much-required niche space for philosophy. 

    The situation in India, however, is abysmal. Indeed, this is largely due to the poor state of philosophy in India and this is not a new point. However, what is not known is the story from the other side. What is Indian journalists’ perception of philosophy and why is that they do not use philosophy? Regarding this, I want to interview a few print/online newspaper journalists and editors. I am also planning to converse with a few journalism faculty as the non-engagement with philosophy might be a symptom of the journalism curriculum that is largely taught in India.

    Understanding the perspectives of journalists, I think, is the first step towards remedying the gap in the Indian context. This can open up the conversation between journalists and philosophers to create meaningful journalism projects to make philosophy relevant to the Indian public.

    Q&A

    1. Why do you think journalists do not draw from philosophical theories/ideas while analysing a topic and writing articles? I am asking this because online/print newspaper journalists draw from theories/ideas of other disciplines (social sciences, history, sciences) in spite of these being nuanced and complex (for both writers and readers).

    It depends what exactly you mean by ‘philosophy’ because from where I’m sitting I disagree with the assertion in your question that Indian journalists don’t use philosophical ideas or theories in their work. They use it both directly and indirectly. They use it directly when making decisions about what kind of events, stories, and phenomena they’d rather cover and why. When I say I’m a journalist biased towards principles encoded in the Indian Constitution, there’s a philosophy of journalism at work there. I’m mindful of the philosophical position of falsifiability when I conclude there’s no point trying to fact-check or rebut a claim like “Sanskrit is a good language for AI”. Journalists use philosophy indirectly when drawing on all those other fields, which have been informed and honed by philosophical deliberations unique to them. For example, a philosophy of history determines how we narrativise the decline of the Indus Valley Civilisation in addition to archaeological, genetic, and climatological data.

    If your question is why journalists don’t write articles containing ideas from philosophy and the views of philosophers, there are two answers.

    First, all journalism needs to be in the public interest, and I’ve no idea a) what a philosophy in the public interest sounds like, which is because I don’t know what constitutes philosophy news, that could lend itself to news reports, news analyses, and news features. Is there a community, collective or organisation of philosophers in India that’s trying to reach out to more people? Where can I engage with an articulation of what I’m missing out on when I skip a comment from a philosopher for a news article? On a related note, many of us in journalism have studied journalism, which is its own field – just like philosophy – with its own tools to develop ways to frame the world, to make sense of it. I have no idea where philosophy is situated here, if at all.

    b) Even if I was familiar with what philosophers are experts on, I’d imagine philosophy as a field of study faces the same resistance to being represented in the news as exotic fields (from the PoV of the publics) like high-energy physics or mathematics. When I’m trying to write on the latter, I’m banking on some sort of numerical literacy on the readers’ part. It’s impossible to explain the Langlands programme to someone who doesn’t know (or care) what functions or sets are. I haven’t had the chance to consider the level of philosophical literacy in India but I don’t think it’s very good. So broaching that kind of thinking and reasoning in an article – especially in a news article – requires the author to lay the groundwork first, which is precarious. The more words there are, the more careful you need to be about holding a reader’s attention.

    There also need to be concrete developments and they need to be in the public interest, and unless a writer and/or an editor comes along who can extract these nuggets from a paper or in conversation with an expert – and in interesting ways – it’s going to have no engagement. Worse, it’s going to impose a disproportionately high opportunity cost on news-producers’ time and labour by expecting them to be able to separate philosophical wheat from chaff. I believe this goes for both whole articles about philosophy and articles that include philosophical considerations in the mix. The Hindu is trying to step around this ‘concrete developments’ requirement with two daily pages called ‘Text & Context’ and one online-only (for now) science page every weekday. These are both fairly recent developments, which is to say securing such space in a newspaper or any news-focused outlet is difficult and needs the underlying organisation to be ‘healthy’ as well as a sound editorial justification of its own.

    We also need to be clear there are differences between newspapers and magazines, their sizes, remits, and frequencies of publication. Publications that take it slower and with more pages than a newspaper – or, more generally, articles that are composed over a longer time (much longer than news reports, of course) and are also lengthier (more than a few hundred words at least) are also likelier to have the time and the room to include philosophical deliberations. This is the sort of room we need (in space and time) to lay the groundwork first. Otherwise, such ideas just vanish under the unforgiving demands of the inverted pyramid.

    Now the second answer: If I have to pay a writer Rs 5,000 to write a 1,000-word article about some idea or event that’s of interest in philosophical circles, and I expect (based on historical data) that 10,000 people will engage sincerely with the article, I need each one of those people to be able to readily contribute 50 paise to the publication for me to break even – and this is hard. The size of the engaged audience will actually be more like 1,000, requiring each one of those people to contribute Rs 5. And this is extraordinarily difficult given the prevailing ratios of the sizes of the overall audience, the engaged audience, and the paying audience. Similarly, if I add another page in the newspaper so I can accommodate more philosophy-centred material and charge readers Re 1 extra to pay for it (assuming here that advertisers won’t be interested in advertising on this page), will I have enough new readers to offset those who will stop buying the paper because of the higher cover price? I doubt it.

    2. I think the previous question needs to be invoked at the editorial level as well. Given that editors do request the writers to make changes (like including some data on the topic or getting a comment from a particular expert), the absence of philosophy in articles might largely be due to editorial decisions and policies: what is considered as “pertinent”, “readable”, “good” etc. For instance, one of the unsaid editorial policies seems to be that philosophical discussions are best suited for op-ed columns. This kind of presumption has resulted in the ghettoisation of philosophy to certain zones in newspaper journalism.

    2a. As an editor, what are your thoughts on the points? What might be the actual, pragmatic challenges journalism faces in this context?

    2b. Since editors play an equally important role in “setting the agenda” and changing the reading styles of the public, what might be the ways to overcome these challenges? How to break the wall around philosophy in journalism, so that it can be accommodated/incorporated in mainstream journalism?

    Imagine the industry of journalism to be like a wave propagating through a medium. Let’s divide this wave into two parts: the wavefront and the wake. Newsrooms operating at the wavefront are distinguished by the resources to experiment and innovate, take risks, and pay more than competitively for the best exponents of particular skills in the market. Newsrooms in the wake are just about staying profitable (or even breaking even), innovating in incremental fashion, avoiding risks, and trying to pay competitively. Of course neither group is monolithic – most sufficiently large news organisations have some departments that are doing well and some that are fighting to stay alive – but this is a simplification to illustrate a point. I believe your questions are about newsrooms in the wake; they’re definitely more interesting in this context. With this in mind:

    2a) Newsrooms need to make money to pay their journalists without compromising editorial independence and editorial standards. This is the single largest challenge right now. In the face of this challenge, especially since the rise of news aggregators and social media platforms as sites of news consumption, so many publications have shut shop, downsized or relinquished independence, or some combination of all three. Once a newsroom’s finances are sufficiently in the green and they can graduate from the wake to the wavefront, pertinence, readability, etc. can and do become the first questions an editor asks. Of course, I may not be saying any of this if the times weren’t what they are.

    2b) I’m not sure there’s a wall around journalism that blocks philosophy. In fact journalists don’t have the freedom to choose (or decline, for that matter) what they consider to be ‘news’. But the flip side of this is no particular enterprise can be said to be entitled to a journalist’s attention. The reason this is so is because of how public interest is constructed.

    For example, there’s a contest – very simply speaking – these days between a journalism that holds we’re doing the country a disservice by turning our heads away from everything that’s going wrong and another that’s particular about pointing its head in the opposite direction. Another example of a similar contest is centred on whether journalists should make plain their biases – because everyone is biased in some way – or if they should cover the news without losing (a reasonable) equipoise.

    In these or any other scenarios, whatever constitutes the public interest is built jointly by journalists and the consumers of the knowledge they produce, and will vary from one publication to the next. The Hindu, The Wire, and The New York Times have different covenants with their readers about what public interest looks like, or ought to look like. The construction of the public interest is a shared and complicated enterprise that takes time.

    As a result, most journalism, in the present era at least, follows some publics; journalism doesn’t lead them. This also means – taking all of these business, economic, and social forces together – that when people aren’t interested in philosophy-related matters, there’s not much an editor (in a newsroom-in-the-wake) can do to change that.

    3. I need your comment on another editorial decision about the op-ed columns that have a specific implication for the Indian context. One of the ways academic journalism scales up the dissemination is by publishing the articles with Creative Commons licence. For instance, The Conversation and Aeon are using this method. The idea seems to be working very well. Create a niche space for academic journalism that usually does not have space in mainstream journalism and make up for the readership through free or paid syndication. This approach seems to be working well, and has provided a good working model.

    However, in an uneven world, this does not favour everyone equally. Given its international scale/level/reach, this works well for the Global North academicians who have access to these platforms. Indian scholars do not have easy access to Aeon or The Conversation. And Indian online platforms have easy access to quality articles without having to deal with Indian scholars.

    These issues are pertinent for most of the academicians in India. But I want to articulate the problem from the perspective of philosophy. This method of republishing further widens the gap between philosophers and journalism in India. This way of operating does not provide enough motivation for Indian newspaper editors to work with Indian scholars. In spite of publishing philosophy articles, Indian editors do not seem to be interested/invested in working/collaborating with Indian philosophers and commissioning articles. (Republishing international articles has a further implication: it deepens the imbalance between Western and Eastern philosophical systems.)

    Would like to know your comments/thoughts on the above note.

    I’m uncomfortable with providing a general comment. Please let me know if you have specific questions.

    Free/paid syndication option of articles in international platforms indeed provides straightforward access to quality content for Indian platforms. And given the restriction of resources like time and finances, and largely the dearth of good Indian academicians who can write for the public, it is understandable what the Indian platforms are doing. Having said that, do you agree that there are implications of this shortcut approach? The first implication is about the politics of knowledge and representation, whose views are represented, etc. The second implication is the perpetuation of Indian journalism’s impatience to work with local scholars. If it does not invest and work with, say Indian philosophers, even for op-eds, the problem persists.

    I agree wholeheartedly with the first implication. To republish from publications in the US, Europe and the UK that syndicate their articles on a Creative Commons licence is effectively to represent the views of the scholars quoted in those articles – mostly from Global North countries – instead of the views of others, especially those from India (from the PoV of Indian newsrooms and readers). However, it’s important to ask whether this really imposes the sort of opportunity cost that prevents Indian journalists from still trying to work with and represent the views of Indian scholars in other articles. My answer is ‘no’ simply because of the difference in the amount of effort expended in republishing an article and reporting on a scholar’s work, views, etc. Put another way, it takes me a few minutes to identify an article on, say, The Conversation that will work ‘well’ on my site and a few more minutes to republish it. Doing so won’t subtract from the responsibilities of or resources available to a reporter on my team. So if/when a publication says it is making do with stories from The Conversation, the problem arises with people in the newsroom who are choosing not to engage with Indian scholars – irrespective of whether it can or does republish articles from other outlets.

    I also want to clarify something about the “dearth of good Indian academicians who can write for the public” in your question: there isn’t so much a dearth of good academicians who can write, there’s a dearth of academicians who believe communication at large is important at all. I’ve been fortunate enough to find more than a few scientists who are eager to write, and to be frank their numbers are increasing, but my experience is that the vast majority of scientists working in India distrust the media too much and/or don’t believe that the scientific work they undertake needs to be communicated to non-scientists – much less that they need to be the ones doing it. (I’m also setting aside the fact that many of the better scientists working in the country also shoulder many responsibilities beyond teaching and research, especially important administrative tasks, and communication – especially of the form that their employers may not recognise when considering people for promotions, etc. – only adds to this burden.) My point here is that the task of finding scientists to write is a lot more arduous than might seem at first glance.

    I feel the same way about the second implication you’ve set out in your question: journalists are not impatient per se; what you may perceive as impatience is likelier than not the effect of newsroom mechanics that expect journalists to be productive to a degree that precludes prolonged engagement with scholars. Also, the distinction I pointed out in my first set of replies matters greatly. If you’re writing for a magazine or if you’re writing a news feature, you’ll have the time and the word limit for such engagement. But if you’re writing a news report for a newspaper, you will have neither the time and the word limit for nor – importantly – any expectation from your readers of slow-cooked material in the article. Finally, while I’ve tried to describe what is, I don’t think I’m prepared to call it justification. I think large newsrooms, especially those departments of such newsrooms that are closer to the wavefront than others, should try (honestly) to establish opportunities for slow-cooked material in their products.

  • Marginalia: On NewsClick, NYT, toolkits, etc.

    The Bharatiya Janata Party in power in India knows that the process is the punishment, that the amount of punishment imposed depends on the law invoked in the chargesheet, and that no law is as ripe for misuse in this regard as the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) 1967. In fact, simply invoking the law and using the police to intimidate, arrest, and harass may be the state’s goal, rather than the eventual verdict itself, which is also unlikely to be in the state’s favour.

    The latest recipients of this form of the state’s justice have been the news organisation NewsClick and its employees, including editor-in-chief Prabir Purkayastha. Even getting bail under (UAPA) is difficult because the Act locks away the conditions that need to be met to secure bail in a cage of vague statements, all of which a committed state can interpret to suit its agenda.

    NewsClick has been accused of funding terror and its editor of conspiring to redraw India’s sovereign borders. During the police raids of NewsClick‘s employees and office that preceded the arrests, journalists also said that they were asked if they had covered and/or commented on social media platforms on the Citizenship (Amendment) Act 2019 and the three farm laws in 2020-2021.

    So using the excuse of the The New York Times article, whose careless journalism opened a big hole for the Indian government to crawl through, the state initiated the raids; using the UAPA’s repurposable provisions, the state arrested NewsClick‘s journalists, seized their phones, laptops, and whatever other records were kept at its office, and kept them in the dark; and using the opportunity to deploy the police as an excuse, the state intimidated the journalists into sharing something – anything – that would allow the police to build even a minimally legitimate case.

    This is the same template the police followed after BJP IT cell chief Amit Malviya filed cheating and defamation cases against The Wire for its Meta reports, based on which the police raided the houses of people not even named on the FIR and seized The Wire‘s human-resources and financial records and its employees’ personal information.

    This is the toolkit: Find a hole, crawl in, seize everything, try to build a case, and extend police custody.

    Kavita Krishnan had an insightful article in Scroll yesterday about how the The New York Times wished to quote her on its original story – casting suspicion on the business and political ties of Neville Roy Singham, whose company is NewsClick‘s chief investor – and why she declined, followed by the newspaper quoting her in a story about the raids without sufficient context.

    Importantly, Krishnan wrote that The New York Times construed her having written for NewsClick as her having “links to NewsClick” (the sort of clandestine leap we’ve been accustomed to hearing only from establishment devotees in India so far); that it chose to name only NewsClick among all the news organisations it claimed could have been compromised by Singham’s investment; and the fact that it implied that NewsClick could be kowtowing to Chinese interests because it published a video about how China’s working class continues to be inspired by the country’s history.

    The frailty of the threads holding together the NewsClick parts of the The New York Times report became more apparent when Neville’s investing company’s lawyer told The Hindu the following: “The New York Times failed to include PSF’s categorical denial of foreign funding, and instead left readers to believe that the source of PSF’s funding (or Mr. Singham’s for that matter) might have come from China, rather than from the sale of ThoughtWorks.”

    Whatever the merits of the rest of the article, the parts that affected NewsClick show parachute journalism at its worst. That the BJP weaponised the article is not the The New York Times‘s fault; it was that the report was weaponisable at all. And it’s the latest in a line of objectionable work by the newspaper, including during the pandemic and vis-à-vis ISRO: see here, here, here, here, here, and here, among others.

  • On Agnihotri’s Covaxin film, defamation, and false bravery

    Vivek Agnihotri’s next film, The Vaccine War, is set to be released on September 28. It is purportedly about the making of Covaxin, the COVID-19 vaccine made by Bharat Biotech, and claims to be based on real events. Based on watching the film’s trailer and snippets shared on Twitter, I can confidently state that while the basis of the film’s narrative may or may not be true, the narrative itself is not. The film’s principal antagonist appears to be a character named Rohini Singh Dhulia, played by Raima Sen, who is the science editor of a news organisation called The Daily Wire. Agnihotri has said that this character is based on his ‘research’ on the journalism of The Wire during, and about, the pandemic, presumably at the time of and immediately following the DCGI’s approval for Covaxin. Agnihotri and his followers on Twitter have also gone after science journalist Priyanka Pulla, who wrote many articles in this period for The Wire. At the time, I was the science editor of The Wire. Dhulia appears to have lovely lines in the film like “India can’t do this” and “the government will fail”, the latter uttered with visible glee.

    It has been terribly disappointing to see senior ICMR scientists promoting the film as well as the film (according to the trailer, at least) confidently retaining the name of Balram Bhargava for the character as well; for the uninitiated, Bhargava was the ICMR director-general during the pandemic. (One of his aides also has make-up strongly resembling Raman Gangakhedkar.) In Pulla’s words, “the political capture of this institution is complete”. The film has also been endorsed by Sudha Murthy and received a tone-deaf assessment by film critic Baradwaj Rangan, among other similar displays of support. One thing that caught my eye is that the film also retains the ICMR logo, logotype, and tagline as is (see screenshot below from the trailer).

    Source: YouTube

    The logo appears on the right of the screen as well as at the top-left, together with the name of NIV, the government facility that provided the viral material for and helped developed Covaxin. This is notable: AltBalaji, the producer of the TV show M.O.M. – The Women Behind Mission Mangal, was prevented from showing ISRO’s rockets as is because the show’s narrative was a fictionalised version of real events. A statement from AltBalaji to The Wire Science at the time, in 2019, when I asked why the show’s posters showed the Russian Soyuz rocket and the NASA Space Shuttle instead of the PSLV and the GSLV, said it was “legally bound not to use actual names or images of the people, objects or agencies involved”. I don’t know if the 2019 film Mission Mangal was bound by similar terms: its trailer shows a rocket very much resembling the GSLV Mk III (now called LVM-3) sporting the letters “S R O”, instead of “I S R O” ; the corresponding Hindi letters “स” and “रो”; and a different logo below the letters “G S L V” instead of the first “I” (screenshot below). GSLV is still the official designation of the launch vehicle, and a step further from what the TV show was allowed. And while the film also claims to be based on real events, its narrative is also fictionalised (read my review and fact-check).

    Source: YouTube

    Yet ICMR’s representation in The Vaccine War pulls no punches: its director-general at the time is represented by name and all its trademark assets are on display. It would seem the audience is to believe that they’re receiving a documentarian’s view of real events at ICMR. The film has destroyed the differences between being based on a true story and building on that to fictionalise for dramatic purposes. Perhaps more importantly: while AltBalaji was “legally bound” to not use official ISRO imagery, including those of the rockets, because it presented a fiction, The Vaccine War has been freed of the same legal obligation even though it seems to be operating on the same terms. This to me is my chief symptom of ICMR’s political capture.

    Of course, that Agnihotri is making a film based on a ‘story’ that might include a matter that is sub judice is also problematic. As you may know, Bharat Biotech filed a defamation case against the Foundation for Independent Journalism in early 2022; this foundation publishes The Wire and The Wire Science. I’m a defendant in the case, as are fellow journalists and science communicators Priyanka Pulla, Neeta Sanghi, Jammi Nagaraj Rao, and Banjot Kaur, among others. But while The Wire is fighting the case, it will be hard to say before watching The Vaccine War as to whether the film actually treads on forbidden ground. I’m also not familiar with the freedoms that filmmakers do and don’t have in Indian law (and the extent to which the law maps to common sense and intuition). That said, while we’re on the topic of the film, the vaccine, defamation, and the law, I’d like to highlight something important.

    In 2022, Bharat Biotech sought and received an ex parte injunction from a Telangana court against the allegedly offending articles published by The Wire and The Wire Science, and had them forcibly taken down. The court also prevented the co-defendants from publishing articles on Covaxin going forward and filed a civil defamation case, seeking Rs 100 crore in damages. As the legal proceedings got underway, I started to speak to lawyers and other journalists about implications of the orders, whether specific actions are disallowed on my part, and the way courts deal with such matters – and discovered something akin to a labyrinth that’s also a minefield. There’s a lot to learn. While the law may be clear about something, how a contention winds its way through the judicial system is both barely organised and uncodified. Rahul Gandhi’s own defamation case threw informative light on the role of judges’ discretion and the possibility of a jail term upon conviction, albeit for the criminal variety of the case.

    The thing I resented the most, on the part of sympathetic lawyers, legal scholars, and journalists alike, is the view that it’s the mark of a good journalist to face down a defamation case in their career. Whatever its origins, this belief’s time is up in a period when defamation cases are being filed at the drop of a hat. It’s no longer a specific mark of good journalism. Like The Wire, I and my co-defendants stand by the articles we wrote and published, but it remains good journalism irrespective of whether it has also been accused of defamation.

    Second, the process is the punishment, as the adage goes, yet by valorising the presence of a defamation case in a journalist’s record, it seeks to downplay the effects of the process itself. These effects include the inherent uncertainty; the unfamiliar procedures, documentation, and their contents and purposes; the travelling, especially to small towns, and planning ahead (taking time off work, availability of food, access to clean bathrooms, local transport, etc.); the obscure rules of conduct within courtrooms and the varying zeal with which they’re implemented; the variety and thus intractability of options for legal succour; and the stress, expenses, and the anxiety. So please, thanks for your help, but spare me the BS of how I’m officially a good journalist.

  • Hasan Minhaj’s search for the premise

    When Hasan Minhaj spoke on his show about living through some dangerous experiences as a Muslim man from an Indian family growing up in the US of A, he wasn’t speaking the truth. He told Clare Malone of The New Yorker that his stories have “seeds” of truth”, that his comedy is 70% “emotional truth—this happened” and 30% “hyperbole, exaggeration, fiction”. First, we really need to use words other than ‘truth’ to talk about things that aren’t true the way a ‘truth’ is expected to be. Second, I was only queasy as long as it seemed that Minhaj was passing off other similar people’s stories as his own, but then it seemed to be that they weren’t anyone’s stories at all, a problem exacerbated by the ways in which they involved women. Then he said this, which rang closer home in a different way:

    “The punch line is worth the fictionalized premise”

    So he had a punchline and went looking for a premise – the sort of thing that’s sunk scientists and journalists when they tried to do the same thing. It’s also the trope that cryptocurrencies popularised in the heyday of ‘investments’ in bitcoin and NFTs. They were solutions looking for problems, and when solutions look for problems, they tend to ignore the structural factors that create the problems. For example, crypto-bros wanted to democratise the ownership of pieces of art rather than letting them accumulate in the hands of extremely wealthy individuals. But NFTs aren’t concerned with the relationships between creditors and debtors, wealth and social signalling, and art and capitalism. So they failed to make a difference.

    But that shouldn’t diminish the irony that the world today is one big premise looking for a punchline, sometimes desperately. In India itself, the incumbent BJP government has assumed many elements of authoritarian and fascist ideologies in its rule, and the social fabric has suffered. One cause of suffering is that the government has, together with unscrupulous TV news anchors and some supine public institutions, vitiated public dialogue, spread misinformation, deviated in spirit from the implementation of the RTI Act, and suppressed the production and release of data from public surveys and research that are critical of its dogma.

    One consequence of all this for journalists has been that proof that might seal a causal relationship between a hypothesis and a set of facts is often out of reach, and too often just so. During the pandemic, for example, almost every instance of health journalism was also an instance of investigative journalism. In the last decade, using various forms of retaliation and sanction, the government has silenced some critics and forced others to think twice before responding to reporters. In this milieu, journalism can build only a more incomplete picture of reality as we experience or even observe it (more than subjective experiences that it couldn’t fully capture anyway). Individuals are free to piece together the rest in their imagination, and they do. But for journalists at least, it’s a cardinal sin to present this extrapolation as fact. It’s important, but it’s not fact. This was for example one of the issues with Ronan Farrow’s work during the #MeToo movement.

    Minhaj isn’t a journalist and punchlines aren’t reports put together through journalistic work – yet his quote is insightful to the practice of journalism. After substituting “conclusion” for “punch line”, for instance, we have a faithful reflection of what might have gone wrong with The Wire‘s TekFog and Meta reports last year, and after which The Wire sued Devesh Kumar, the person at the centre of both investigative efforts, for deceiving The Wire‘s journalists. Kumar had allegedly invented the raison d’être of both series to match what many of us have come to accept as an incontestable reality.

    (Note: I worked with The Wire at the time these reports were published but wasn’t involved in reporting or publishing them. I have, however, since unpublished one post on this blog in which I considered TekFog’s implications for science journalism.)

    The alleged premise in both cases was broadly that people affiliated with the BJP were using sophisticated IT tools to manipulate the spread of hateful messages (‘TekFog’) and removal of anti-party sentiment (‘Meta’) on social media platforms. The conclusions in both sets of reports – before The Wire repudiated them – were in line with the fact that BJP leaders have regularly resorted to communalising rhetoric to win votes and BJP governments have jailed people for social-media posts criticising the party’s views and actions. But it soon became clear that the conclusions weren’t worth the premise even in circumstances as difficult as those created by the foot-soldiers of Hindutva. This to me is what makes Minhaj’s rationale so disagreeable.

    Of course, journalism is different from a talk-show, but Malone’s reply to Minhaj as he tries repeatedly to justify the fictionalising should resonate with anyone who claims to relate the truth but doesn’t: “But it didn’t happen to you.” (Who is experiencing the event matters as well, so the last two words may be redundant.) It’s the simplest argument against confirmation bias, and it also speaks to an important part of the identity of comedians like Minhaj, Jon Stewart, John Oliver, etc.: they’re a source of new information about the world insofar as they expect to be perceived to be credible when they tell us how to think about that information, and that so happens to be in the form of jokes.

    While Minhaj is influential, the outing of his more striking anecdotes as untrue leaves him the story, as it did Farrow and Kumar, rather than the actual people and ideas that he apparently wished to highlight. And that’s harmful to those people and ideas. In the words of legal scholars Daniel Farber and Suzanna Sherry, writing in 1997 in the aftermath of the Tawana Brawley case:

    Indifference to the distinction between fact and fiction minimizes real suffering by implying that it is no worse than imagined or self-inflicted suffering.

  • Notes for a ‘The Open Notebook’ report

    I’m one of the journalists quoted in a new reported feature by Karen Emslie (with additional reporting by Allison Whitten), published in The Open Notebook on May 9, 2023. It is entitled ‘Expanding the Geographical Borders of Your Source List’, and is about the importance as well as advantages of science journalists diversifying their sources to include voices from outside English-speaking countries. In this post, I’m publishing my notes that arose in discussions with Karen and Allison, in the process of being interviewed, in full.

    Methods, tools, organisations, journals, and strategies I use to identify and connect with expert sources

    This is a difficult one because I don’t know of any common set of sources that some or many science reporters in India use; instead, it’d be safer to say there’s a common set of strategies: to dig up old research papers on the topic and contact their authors, or the authors of studies cited in that paper, to contact local institutes with researchers working on the same topic, so forth. Because I’ve been in science journalism in India for a decade, I’m fortunate to have access to a small network of experts, and I ask them for contacts as well. The IndScicomm initiative compiled a database of researchers on different topics who have been known to speak to journalists for quotes and/or to verify facts, a couple years ago. That should tell you about how such experts are hard to find in India – people who are authorities on a certain scientific topic and who have time to answer reporters’ questions. I know from personal experience that most scientists don’t know or understand why science journalists exist, because to them peer-review is the highest form of knowledge verification and because they sincerely believe there is nothing to be gained by communicating advanced scientific concepts to the people at large, forget us exploring questions of science and society, STS, etc. Of course, that database has also fallen into disuse (by my understanding). (By the way, there is also a reciprocal database of science journalists that scientists can contact; I don’t know what has become of it.) There was also supposed to be a ‘Science Centre’ along the lines of the UK’s ‘Science Media Centre’ but it hasn’t materialised.

    India has three science academies and I’ve had some luck going through their rosters of fellows to identify suitable expert sources, but this said, it has been my experience – and that of many others – that few scientists actually ever respond, or respond in useful ways. (I once asked a physicist for his comments on the work of Murray Gell-Mann for an obituary I was writing when Gell-Mann passed away. He sent me the second quote on this page and told me that that should suffice.) One resource that has served us well is ‘The Life of Science’ project. It’s run by a small collective. Over the last four or five years (I could be wrong about how old they are), they have gone around the country talking to women scientists, scientists from marginalised socio-economic groups, and scientists of marginalised gender identities. So their efforts have been very useful to identify non-cis-male and/or non-Brahmin scientists.

    Indian social media channels or groups on WhatsApp, Telegram, WeChat etc. useful for connecting with sources

    There are quite a few chat-app-based groups, although I believe the ones for environment and health are much bigger and better organised than, say, those for reporting on physics. In fact, I haven’t come across one for just the fundamental sciences. And my knowledge here is restricted to the English journalism community. I imagine there are several chat-app-based groups and Facebook groups pertaining to covering science in Indian languages. But I also imagine they’re organised more along the lines of geography and language than of topics, because my understanding is that while some Indian language news publications have space for science, health, environment and spaceflight reports, it’s not big enough to have anything more than the most important bit of news on that day or in that week. There are also many Facebook groups – the two most popular kinds are those run by individual institutes and those run by people interested in a particular topic in science. I haven’t had much luck with institutes’ Facebook groups in the last decade while the people-run groups have been helpful, at least with identifying the right person to talk to for leads on a particular topic.

    As for covering space and spaceflight: I depend extensively on two social media groups. One is a group on Signal, run by a group of people invested in private spaceflight, ex-ISRO employees, entrepreneurs and spaceflight journalists. The other is the ISRO subreddit (which I like so much that I’ve even written about it).

    All this said, I should also say that science journalism in India is at a unique historical moment today: it’s finally coming into its own, aided by new communication tools, a burst of new online-only news outlets, new revenue models for these outlets and for independent writers, the COVID-19 pandemic and the climate crisis (which make stories on health and environment immediately more important), and an increasing awareness among young scientists of the importance, and in some cases even the lucre, of science communication. India had a professional body for science journalists before the creation of SJAI but it was defunct, which strengthened the case for SJAI. I’m also part of a group of scientists, science communicators and journalists that’s trying to put together a conclave “for scicommers by scicommers”, where scicommers from around the country can gather and meet each other, in most cases for the first time. [This is no longer the case.] This in turn should help with finding better sources for future stories. Right now, we’re all in a thousand silos.

    Platforms or technologies to interview your sources

    It’s usually phone, that’s the most convenient, together with a voice recorder. But in some cases I prefer email over phone, especially when I’m dealing with a particularly complicated topic and I find it helpful to have all comments in writing so I go back to them as many times as I need. I believe video interviews are becoming more popular as science media platforms are under pressure (like any other kind of news outlet) to produce more videos, and scientists and others also seem to understand this because they’ve been seeming more amenable to the idea. When I use a phone plus a voice recorder, transcription takes more time because most automated transcription tools don’t do a good job of recognising Indian accents of English (and there are several). When we’re dealing with sensitive material, we use a combination of Protonmail and Signal, among other tools.

    Note that half the time (anecdotally speaking), what platforms/technologies I use to contact my sources isn’t in my control; they’re dictated by whom I’m interviewing. If it’s a scientist in government, particularly in an institute that is not on friendly terms with The Wire [where I worked until November 2022], email is often the only option. Scientists at more independent facilities and in the lab (as opposed to the field) are okay with email, video, WhatsApp, phone call, etc. Those in the field, if they have internet access, prefer email.

    Is internet connectivity an issue for some sources, and how did you cope with this?

    In my experience, the best solution has been to give up on trying to meet a deadline. Note that I’m the science editor at the publication I work at, and I’m happy to give my writers and reporters deadline extensions if they need it, as long as they keep me in the loop and their reasons are… well, reasonable. So I know dropping the deadline or making it flexible are easier said than done. You need a certain kind of publication, a certain kind of editorial setup to be more easygoing with the timelines. I’m sure you know that internet connectivity in India has been as much at the mercy of natural disasters as at the mercy of local governments, which, at the first sign of some kind of major social unrest, move to suspend internet services at the city, district or even state levels. And the way our cities and towns are built, even heavy rain often constitutes enough of a disaster. So when someone I’m trying to reach doesn’t have access to a good internet connection, there’s a healthy chance that they’re also dealing with other, more pressing problems. So the solution I personally prefer is to give them, and myself, some time. If they’re experiencing connectivity issues for any other reason, I find that SMS and email work (the latter can work if the connection is weak instead of absent).

    Cultural issues in India that science journalists from abroad should consider when connecting with experts

    I have very rarely come across an article where an Indian scientist was quoted in a story by a foreign journalist (by which I mean those from the U.S. or Europe, who are the most common) when the story was not about the Indian scientist’s work or when the Indian scientist wasn’t widely acknowledged as one of the best experts on the topic. Apart from the reasons mentioned above, Indian scientists by and large are unable to speak about their work and/or their field in creative ways. If you mean what they ought to consider: these are a dime a dozen. Perhaps the most important issue is that India is a country of countries. Something that applies in the country’s north isn’t likely to apply in the country’s south or east or the northeast, in terms of class, gender, caste, aspirations, etc. Among these variables, the caste-gender combine is a particularly thorny one and journalists, both within the country and without, get this wrong in one of two ways a lot of the time. Inadvertently: by overrepresenting the voices – and views, priorities, morals, politics – of male upper-caste scientists, and thus at risk of building a narrative that is unlikely to conflict with the forces currently endangering democratic and constitutional rights in India right now in a more than superficial way. Deliberately: which is to do the same thing as in the inadvertent case but in order to erase the voices of everyone but those in a thin stratum of society.

    Another thing foreign journalists should know when they’re covering issues on the caste-gender axes is that they might believe any independent expert will in fact provide an independent opinion. But caste affinities in the country have been known to transcend one’s commitment to science or even to their professional ethics. So, and crass as this may sound, journalists may be better off quoting non-Brahmins if the question at hand concerns the conduct of Brahmins, or in fact any so-called ‘upper-caste group’. There are several experts who are exceptions to this ‘rule’, but unless a reporter is completely sure that they have identified one such expert, they should keep looking.

    Obviously all this is going to matter less in a story about what the Higgs boson is but even here, journalists are constantly at risk of misrepresenting who is or can be a particle physicist in India. If I had to codify this as advice for anyone looking for it, I’ll only say don’t be fooled by the Indian government’s claim to the country being any kind of superpower, and look closer.

    I also have an addendum, although I’m not sure if it’s relevant to your question: if foreign journalists are following up on something that Indian journalists have done, please give credit.

    With government scientists, email is often the only option for communications and interviews, whereas scientists at independent facilities may have more flexibility. Why?

    The possibilities include the two potential reasons you’d mentioned – that they need a written record and/or they need the approval of their superiors. In fact, the latter is more common than it’s made out to be and it sometimes also manifests in a particularly frustrating way: whereby scientists at some institutes are likelier to talk to members of the foreign press instead of those working for establishments within India. In my experience, I’ve encountered two reasons for this, and sometimes they’re working together: Indian scientists don’t trust the Indian press (possibly because they’ve had a bad experience when they’ve been misquoted in the past or because they don’t know whom to trust, whereas some foreign publications – like the NYT – are more ‘well established’, so to speak, or because they’re conflating science journalism with public relations) and/or because their institute doesn’t want to be seen speaking to journalists who are employed by organisations that are critical of the national government.

    The latter hasn’t been something I could prove with data but there are several anecdotes. As it happens, in India, there’s a set of rules called Central Civil Services (Conduct) Rules 1964 that specify – among other things – that employees of government facilities aren’t allowed to speak negatively of government policies. Some institutes have of late interpreted these Rules very strictly to mean they can’t comment on government actions and laws altogether. But in 2015, the Allahabad high court ruled that the staff of a university that’s funded by the Central government don’t have to abide by these Rules – but the Rules remain in the picture and have been invoked by institute authorities to prevent their colleagues from speaking to the press. Then again, of late, some parts of the country have been emboldened or cowed down by the national government, as the case may be – implicitly, not explicitly, by passively condoning the persecution of people who engage in “anti-national activities” – to demand new staff and students to sign an undertaking that they won’t engage in “anti-national activities”. This term is vaguely defined for a reason, so the government or any body with power can invoke it to punish anything it finds inconvenient in future. The government of Uttar Pradesh state even promulgated an ordinance in 2019 demanding private universities do this! It’s against this broader background that I think scientists at government institutes tend to prefer communicating via email.

    Working around a lack of transcription services

    Of course, it takes more time to produce a story. The longest transcription I’ve had to work through took me three hours but I know peers who’ve spent several days transcribing quotes collected over one or two days of field work. The point is also labour here: about commissioning editors being aware of the fact that the reporter might be doing more work and paying them more for that and/or making other allowances. There are now some new open-source tools in the works that are based on training ML algorithms to ‘understand’ different accents (like this one) with potential to be used to build region-specific transcription services. I hope these models are also trained on Indian accents of English – all the several hundreds, I suppose! – and made available for (affordable) commercial use soon.

    On what’s lost when most science stories exclude scientists from many parts of the world

    Many, many things are lost. I don’t know if I can ever furnish a complete answer to this question! The most well-known losses I think are the ideas that good science as well as good science communication happen in parts of the world other than in the wealthiest countries, and that science can be done or imagined in ways other than those that have been institutionalised in these countries. You lose perspectives shaped by histories that your communities never lived through. I also fear that, over time, the habituated oversight of scientists from West, South, and Southeast Asia, Africa, Eastern Europe, and South America could create the impression among new journalists that nothing is lost when they also don’t speak to these scholars. To extend this further: overlooking scientists from these places also overlooks their science, which in turn overlooks the efforts of science journalists navigating, communicating, and interrogating it, and the communities grappling with it.

    There is one loss that is more immediate: when journalists don’t include scientists from other parts of the world in their reports, those scientists and their work are rendered further invisible, in addition to the invisibility imposed by history, nationalism (as is the case in many countries, including India today), censorship, revisionism, etc. This may well be inadvertent, and obviously I can’t straightforwardly expect a journalist from Europe or the U.S. to be concerned about the fortunes of an Indian scientist. But I think it’s fair to expect them to square this against the global reach and influence of some of the publications for which they write, such as The New Yorker, The New York Times, Nature, or The Guardian, among others. In exchange for the far-reaching ‘privilege to influence’ afforded by these publications, journalists must tread lightly, carefully, and be constantly alert to the possibility that their stories are incomplete. (Also see the related Daniel Mansur example below.)

    One piece of advice to journalists interested in including scientists from more countries

    My number one piece of advice would be to include sources from countries you haven’t usually included. We just need more people to do this right now.

    A close second: appropriately credit everyone who helped you locate the right scientists in their respective countries, gave you the local context, etc.

    Once these two things happen, everything else can be figured out.

    What I wish readers in English-speaking know about scientists doing their work in India

    The countries that are currently typically underrepresented in science stories are often countries that are less economically developed (and whose growth pathways today are complicated by climate commitments, emission controls, inflation, war, etc.). So I’d like to replace the “primarily English-speaking” … with “economically developed”.

    What I wish readers from economically developed countries knew are largely the invisible things in their own countries that they probably take for granted. I experienced this firsthand in 2014, when I went to New York to pursue a graduate degree in science reporting. I dropped out after a few months partly because I realised that many of the problems that we’re used to dealing with on a day-to-day basis in India just didn’t exist in New York, from labour rights to the quality of public infrastructure, from access to the bare minimum research facilities to bureaucratic probity. These gaps often manifest as unseen forces on anyone working in India (scientists, science journalists, etc.) which lead in turn to choices that might seem alien to someone not used to them. I realised that I wasn’t interested in learning to practise a journalism of a science that was free from these forces because, where I come from, everything we do admits them in some way. And they exert a stress that, by and large, makes life in this milieu much less enjoyable. They impose a cognitive burden that forces people to plan ahead in ways that people in, say, the U.S. wouldn’t have to. Sometimes they result in trauma that’s very region- and culture-specific.

    I remember an interview I read in 2018 of a scientist named Daniel Mansur in Brazil, where he uses a hypothetical example in which he and his peers in a ‘richer’ university like Stanford both separately submit papers to a journal on the same idea or experiment or whatever. If the journal asks both groups to submit additional tests of the idea, according to Dr. Mansur, his group will have to wait for six months just to get the next batch of reagents. On the other hand, the Stanford group can purchase them because they’re made locally, and it purchases higher quality reagents, plus it has access to a bigger pool of postdocs, so it’s able to get back to the journal in a short span of time – whereas the group in Brazil is still waiting for the shipment. I mean stuff like this. If you include women’s safety, caste- and gender-based discrimination, anti-intellectualism, state-condoned pseudoscience, legal hurdles to sharing or receiving biological specimens, compulsions to conduct research, horrific delays in scholarship disbursement, etc. – all major issues in contemporary India – you have a situation in which no one may be explicitly discouraging you, but where you feel discouraged nonetheless from pursuing scientific work.

    So I wish people in the economically developed countries understood the sort of big, compounded problems that can arise out of slight differences in one’s socio-economic and political realities, how that affects one’s work (including scientific and journalistic work; also see: ‘My country is burning. Why should I work?’), and then perhaps we can all begin to reckon with our respective complicities.

  • Saying bye to The Wire

    Today, November 30, is my last day at The Wire Science and The Wire. I was part of their founding team and the seven years since have made for an exciting and enriching ride.

    The two things I’m most grateful for were all the new friends I made in this time and the freedom to imagine a ‘The Wire‘s brand of science journalism’. We published a lot of science, health, environment and spaceflight writing of the very highest standard, and it’s my privilege to count the bylines of several stellar writers on the pages of The Wire Science.

    Many of our articles have won awards and, equally importantly, renewed interest in areas of study and work, became books and teaching materials, the starting points for PhD programmes and, perhaps most gratifying of all, prompted people to think about science a bit differently.

    Come January 2023, I will be joining The Hindu in a role that I’m quite excited by. I’m especially looking forward to focusing on my own work, which I haven’t been able to do for a while. Running The Wire Science was (and is) an exacting task and at The Hindu I’m also looking forward to lightening some of that load.

    Thank you all for reading what The Wire Science has published – and, I hope, will continue to do so. Going ahead, please also divert a little bit of your reading time to The Hindu. 🙂 I’m counting on your constructive criticism, as always.

  • Bad responses to The Wire’s Meta reports

    Note, September 18, 2023, 6:40 am: I’ve often returned to this post since The Wire retracted its ‘Meta’ reports, to see if I still stand by its contents. I do with the portions that I haven’t struck through. That said, I believe in hindsight that holding these positions alone can’t be a gainful way to judge this or any other story.

    Note, October 19, 2022, 6:25 am: Quite a few people have checked in asking if I will update this post in the light of The Wire updating its position on its investigation into censorship by Meta. I don’t intend to change this post, other than adding this note, because the 10 points still stand irrespective of what The Wire‘s internal review finds.

    Ten types of bad-faith responses to The Wire‘s stories – this and this – on Meta, Andy Stone and Amit Malviya, plus one that we expect to face soon.

    1. “The Wire is afraid to give the source’s name.”

    Protecting whistleblowers is a matter of integrity. Trying to save skin by outing one’s sources wouldn’t be the credible thing to do in a situation like this.

    2. “So source’s point is ‘trust me, bro’.”

    Yeah.

    3. “The Wire has lied all its life, so it will double down on its claim to avoid losing its purpose.”

    A falsifiable contention, or an unfalsifiable one to those bent on avoiding simple facts, so a waste of time.

    4. “You have no credibility.”

    Thanks for reading and sharing articles from The Wire.

    5. “The Wire has a bad track record.”

    Hardline right-wing commentators on social media platforms have disagreed with almost every other The Wire article over what they perceive to be bias when it is disagreement with their point of view. Given this, I don’t trust these commentators’ definition of “track record”.

    6. “You see what you want to see” is both accusation and defence.

    After The Wire‘s first report and then Andy Stone’s response, The Wire was accused of seeing only what it wanted to see. But when the reports doubled down, the hardline commentators started to see only what they wish to see as their arguments defaulted to “The Wire must be lying.”

    7. “Facebook/Meta has denied it, this is credible.”

    All the arguments so far were levelled by the usual suspects and in that regard were as expected. But when other journalists from other publications signalled their willingness to buy Meta’s/Facebook’s/Stone’s denial – “M/F/S usually don’t do this but now that they have, it must be true” – it was hard to believe.

    It indicated one or some of the following to be likely: a) they were cowed by Meta/Facebook, by the deluge of comments on Twitter or by both to agree with Stone’s denial;  b) how Meta is behaving now, responding now, etc. is new – but even then to claim Stone’s response on Twitter to be “clean” or “credible” is a bridge too far; …

    8. Just ignorance

    c) they weren’t aware of the lack-of-integrity with which Facebook operates in India; or d) they weren’t aware of their ignorance.

    The American commentariat has expected non-Western journalists before to go to greater lengths than journalists from their own part of the world to prove something to them because you’re not one of them, overlooking the fact that you’re in fact working in a different part of the world where it is easier for the government or the corporation to discredit you, which in turn gives you less latitude to ‘show’ your work in every way they’d like before conferring you with the privilege of their agreement, even as they continue sealioning and gaslighting you.

    9. “Stone’s email address can’t be *@fb.com”

    If you wish to hitch your wagon to the “Stone couldn’t possibly have replied from a *@fb.com address, so the email whose screenshot The Wire has is fabricated” argument, that’s your prerogative. But you immediately give me the right to step over you at the first appearance of an email from a Meta employee sporting a *@fb.com address. Et voilà.

    10. [Ignore the posts that were taken down]

    In all this hullabaloo, people have forgotten that Instagram took down @cringearchivist’s posts without specifying a reason other than that it contained nudity. It didn’t. Update, October 19, 2022, 6:35 am: Instagram/Meta quietly reinstated the posts by 4:16 pm yesterday. Still not clear why they were taken down or why they are now back online.


    Preemptive: “Headers or it didn’t happen.”

    The Wire‘s upcoming third report should clarify the point about email headers, but the (potential) problem here is larger: the audience isn’t entitled to all the evidence when any part of it may compromise the whistleblower’s identity, and particularly when some of those making the demands are just fuelled by bloodlust.

    The absence of evidence is not evidence of absence, and never will be. Those who expect otherwise are kidding themselves, and probably willfully disregarding what they understand to be true.

    Update, 6:43 am, October 15, 2022: There’s more happening here than I expected. After exchanges with with some of my colleagues, I now believe that there some gaps in my knowledge that complicate blanket statements like the one above. Instead, I will defer on this count to the third Meta report by The Wire, which will be published today. 5.55 pm: published.

  • Middle fingers to the NYT and NYer

    On April 18, celebrity journalist Ronan Farrow tweeted that he’d “spent two years digging” into the inside story of Pegasus, the spyware whose use by democratic governments around the world – including that of India – to spy on members of civil society, their political opponents and their dissenters was reported by an international collaboration that included The Wire. Yet Farrow credits only “Pegasus Project” in his story, once, and even then only to say that their reporting “reinforced the links between NSO Group and anti-democratic states” – mentioning nothing of what many of the journalists uncovered, probably to avoid admitting that his own piece overlaps significantly with the Project’s pieces – even as his own piece is cast as a revelatory investigation. Tell me, Mr Farrow, when you dug and dug, did you literally go underground? Or is this another form of your tendency to keep half the spotlight on yourself when your stories are published?

    This is the second instance just this week of an influential American publication re-reporting something one or some other outlets in the “Orient” already published, in both cases a substantial amount of time earlier, while making no mention that they’re simply following up. But worse, the New York Times, the second offender, whose Stephanie Nolen and Karan Deep Singh reported on Amruta Byatnal’s report in Devex after two weeks and based on the same sources, wrote the story like it was breaking news. (The story: India wanted the WHO to delay the release of a report by 10 years because it said India had at least four-times as many deaths during the COVID-19 pandemic as its official record claimed.)

    To make matters worse, India’s Union health ministry (in a government in which Prime Minister Narendra Modi calls all the shots) responded to the New York Times story but not to Devex (nor to The Wire Science‘s re-reporting, based on comments from other sources and with credit to Byatnal and Devex). This BJP government and its ministers like to claim that they’re better than the West on one occasion and that India needs to overcome its awe of the West on another, yet when Western publications (re)report developments discovered by journalists working through the minefield that is India’s landscape of stories, the ministers turn into meerkats.

    via GIPHY

    For the journalists in between who first broke the stories, it’s a double whammy: American outlets that will brazenly steal their ideas and obfuscate memories of their initiative and the Indian government that will treat them as if they don’t exist.