Science, culture, complexity

Tag: social media

  • Memoirs, Substack, and psychology

    The English poet Blake Morrison had a thought-provoking essay in The Guardian titled ‘‘Enough of this me me me’: Blake Morrison on memoir in the age of oversharing’ on April 4. He traced the evolution of memoir from a self-congratulatory genre for the accomplished to today’s more “confessionalist” texts that are open to everyone, concluding that both forms have value — with a twist. In the course of his discourse, he arrives at two particular conclusions that struck me because he overlooks their real causes and skips a chance to clarify how cultural and institutional forces also shape literary form.

    (i)

    If memoirists can make a living through online snippets (with enough subscriptions, Substack pays well), why worry about publication in print? What’s so sacrosanct about a physical book?

    For myself – no social media junkie – I think published memoirs have plenty to offer that social platforms can’t, not least the rewards of a full-length story with a narrative arc, a set of characters, and an approach that doesn’t depend on sensational self-exposure, allowing room for reversals, surprises, digressions, complications and a tussle between adversity and reprieve. At their best, memoirs develop with a subtlety unavailable in a short extract and the writer faces bigger issues than how much to share – which tense to use, what stretch of time to cover, how many points of view to accommodate, and what resolution to offer, if any, since a life story written by a living person won’t have ended. Far from exulting in the drama of the tale they’re telling, memoir writers face the worry that it’s humdrum and inconsequential. Success lies in the quality of the telling, not in the shamelessness of the tale.

    This passage caught my eye because it seems to imply that writing via a publisher and unto a physical book will give rise to everything from a “full-length story with a narrative arc” to “allowing room for adversity … and reprieve” — whereas that writing for Substack cannot. This is true, but it is true for a reason that does not come through here: writing with a publisher gets you an editor, and if they are good they will empathise with your narrative, your stories, and they will guide you to improving it only the way a professional editor who knows how, and importantly why, good writing works. The reason writing for Substack does not get you these improvements is not because the platform magically disallows them but because the people who publish on Substack, or any blogging or newsletter platform for that matter, have elected to not have a second pair of eyes on their draft.

    Substack adoption bloomed in 2020 and many journalists, opinionists, commentators, and pundits migrated from indie platforms and legacy news publishers, because of Substack’s then-relatively-simpler options to monetise their content and/or to avoid what they perceived to be censorship. Democratising information benefits from democratising the platforms from which they can be broadcast, and Substack did help. But it also helped people with statements or opinions that an editor would have massaged or altogether removed sidestep that check keep talking. Good editors often push back and without that it is easy to believe everything one has to say is correct and that more people should hear it.

    But if a Substacker has an editor, they could get the same experience Blake Morrison says they would with a good publisher.

    (ii)

    What was once a geriatric, self-satisfied genre … is now open to anyone with a story to tell – “nobody memoirs”, the American journalist Lorraine Adams has called them. Candour is the key, no matter how fraught the consequences. “Most writers I know,” Maggie Nelson writes in The Argonauts, “nurse persistent fantasies about the horrible things – or the horrible thing – that will happen to them if and when they express themselves as they desire”. But she takes that risk, addressing the book to “you”, her fluidly gendered husband Harry (who’s angry when she shows him a draft), while exploring identity, pregnancy, motherhood and sexuality.

    “The words I love you come tumbling out of my mouth in an incantation the first time you fuck me in the ass, my face smashed against the concrete floor”; this appears in the first paragraph of The Argonauts in 2015. It’s hard to imagine an author volunteering that 30 years ago, or being allowed to be so passionately upfront (and violently facedown) at the start of the story. …

    Shock is an integral part of memoir and sometimes the facts are shocking, without embroidery. … In literature the mode used to be called confessionalism. These days, pejoratively, it’s called oversharing. At best it prompts welcome recognition: Wow, great, here’s someone who’s had the same experiences, thoughts and feelings that I’ve had. But there’s often resistance as well: Ugh. TMI. I don’t need to know this. When the divulgence is sad-fishing on Facebook, curated self-glorification on Instagram or out-there revelation in a memoir, readers may feel irritated or affronted. … It’s not essential for writers to bean-spill, after all. They’re not victims on a talkshow, outmanoeuvred by Jerry Springer or Jeremy Kyle; they’re writing on their own terms and in control of what’s committed to print.

    An important detail Blake Morrison leaves unwritten here — plausibly because that gives his readers “room to interpret and explore” — is mental health. Specifically, public awareness of mental well-being, of the forms and ways by which trauma can be inflicted, and how it can be healed is more widespread today than it was only two decades ago. Granted, in some geographies, including India, there is still a long way to go, but it is not inconsiderable. Awareness is all the more pronounced, if also often inchoate, on social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram. And I would be really surprised if this had nothing to do with the rise of “nobody memoirs” that — at least in their best forms — have breached the shame associated with weirdness, idiosyncrasies, and the simple freedom to be one’s own person.

  • Notes for a ‘The Open Notebook’ report

    I’m one of the journalists quoted in a new reported feature by Karen Emslie (with additional reporting by Allison Whitten), published in The Open Notebook on May 9, 2023. It is entitled ‘Expanding the Geographical Borders of Your Source List’, and is about the importance as well as advantages of science journalists diversifying their sources to include voices from outside English-speaking countries. In this post, I’m publishing my notes that arose in discussions with Karen and Allison, in the process of being interviewed, in full.

    Methods, tools, organisations, journals, and strategies I use to identify and connect with expert sources

    This is a difficult one because I don’t know of any common set of sources that some or many science reporters in India use; instead, it’d be safer to say there’s a common set of strategies: to dig up old research papers on the topic and contact their authors, or the authors of studies cited in that paper, to contact local institutes with researchers working on the same topic, so forth. Because I’ve been in science journalism in India for a decade, I’m fortunate to have access to a small network of experts, and I ask them for contacts as well. The IndScicomm initiative compiled a database of researchers on different topics who have been known to speak to journalists for quotes and/or to verify facts, a couple years ago. That should tell you about how such experts are hard to find in India – people who are authorities on a certain scientific topic and who have time to answer reporters’ questions. I know from personal experience that most scientists don’t know or understand why science journalists exist, because to them peer-review is the highest form of knowledge verification and because they sincerely believe there is nothing to be gained by communicating advanced scientific concepts to the people at large, forget us exploring questions of science and society, STS, etc. Of course, that database has also fallen into disuse (by my understanding). (By the way, there is also a reciprocal database of science journalists that scientists can contact; I don’t know what has become of it.) There was also supposed to be a ‘Science Centre’ along the lines of the UK’s ‘Science Media Centre’ but it hasn’t materialised.

    India has three science academies and I’ve had some luck going through their rosters of fellows to identify suitable expert sources, but this said, it has been my experience – and that of many others – that few scientists actually ever respond, or respond in useful ways. (I once asked a physicist for his comments on the work of Murray Gell-Mann for an obituary I was writing when Gell-Mann passed away. He sent me the second quote on this page and told me that that should suffice.) One resource that has served us well is ‘The Life of Science’ project. It’s run by a small collective. Over the last four or five years (I could be wrong about how old they are), they have gone around the country talking to women scientists, scientists from marginalised socio-economic groups, and scientists of marginalised gender identities. So their efforts have been very useful to identify non-cis-male and/or non-Brahmin scientists.

    Indian social media channels or groups on WhatsApp, Telegram, WeChat etc. useful for connecting with sources

    There are quite a few chat-app-based groups, although I believe the ones for environment and health are much bigger and better organised than, say, those for reporting on physics. In fact, I haven’t come across one for just the fundamental sciences. And my knowledge here is restricted to the English journalism community. I imagine there are several chat-app-based groups and Facebook groups pertaining to covering science in Indian languages. But I also imagine they’re organised more along the lines of geography and language than of topics, because my understanding is that while some Indian language news publications have space for science, health, environment and spaceflight reports, it’s not big enough to have anything more than the most important bit of news on that day or in that week. There are also many Facebook groups – the two most popular kinds are those run by individual institutes and those run by people interested in a particular topic in science. I haven’t had much luck with institutes’ Facebook groups in the last decade while the people-run groups have been helpful, at least with identifying the right person to talk to for leads on a particular topic.

    As for covering space and spaceflight: I depend extensively on two social media groups. One is a group on Signal, run by a group of people invested in private spaceflight, ex-ISRO employees, entrepreneurs and spaceflight journalists. The other is the ISRO subreddit (which I like so much that I’ve even written about it).

    All this said, I should also say that science journalism in India is at a unique historical moment today: it’s finally coming into its own, aided by new communication tools, a burst of new online-only news outlets, new revenue models for these outlets and for independent writers, the COVID-19 pandemic and the climate crisis (which make stories on health and environment immediately more important), and an increasing awareness among young scientists of the importance, and in some cases even the lucre, of science communication. India had a professional body for science journalists before the creation of SJAI but it was defunct, which strengthened the case for SJAI. I’m also part of a group of scientists, science communicators and journalists that’s trying to put together a conclave “for scicommers by scicommers”, where scicommers from around the country can gather and meet each other, in most cases for the first time. [This is no longer the case.] This in turn should help with finding better sources for future stories. Right now, we’re all in a thousand silos.

    Platforms or technologies to interview your sources

    It’s usually phone, that’s the most convenient, together with a voice recorder. But in some cases I prefer email over phone, especially when I’m dealing with a particularly complicated topic and I find it helpful to have all comments in writing so I go back to them as many times as I need. I believe video interviews are becoming more popular as science media platforms are under pressure (like any other kind of news outlet) to produce more videos, and scientists and others also seem to understand this because they’ve been seeming more amenable to the idea. When I use a phone plus a voice recorder, transcription takes more time because most automated transcription tools don’t do a good job of recognising Indian accents of English (and there are several). When we’re dealing with sensitive material, we use a combination of Protonmail and Signal, among other tools.

    Note that half the time (anecdotally speaking), what platforms/technologies I use to contact my sources isn’t in my control; they’re dictated by whom I’m interviewing. If it’s a scientist in government, particularly in an institute that is not on friendly terms with The Wire [where I worked until November 2022], email is often the only option. Scientists at more independent facilities and in the lab (as opposed to the field) are okay with email, video, WhatsApp, phone call, etc. Those in the field, if they have internet access, prefer email.

    Is internet connectivity an issue for some sources, and how did you cope with this?

    In my experience, the best solution has been to give up on trying to meet a deadline. Note that I’m the science editor at the publication I work at, and I’m happy to give my writers and reporters deadline extensions if they need it, as long as they keep me in the loop and their reasons are… well, reasonable. So I know dropping the deadline or making it flexible are easier said than done. You need a certain kind of publication, a certain kind of editorial setup to be more easygoing with the timelines. I’m sure you know that internet connectivity in India has been as much at the mercy of natural disasters as at the mercy of local governments, which, at the first sign of some kind of major social unrest, move to suspend internet services at the city, district or even state levels. And the way our cities and towns are built, even heavy rain often constitutes enough of a disaster. So when someone I’m trying to reach doesn’t have access to a good internet connection, there’s a healthy chance that they’re also dealing with other, more pressing problems. So the solution I personally prefer is to give them, and myself, some time. If they’re experiencing connectivity issues for any other reason, I find that SMS and email work (the latter can work if the connection is weak instead of absent).

    Cultural issues in India that science journalists from abroad should consider when connecting with experts

    I have very rarely come across an article where an Indian scientist was quoted in a story by a foreign journalist (by which I mean those from the U.S. or Europe, who are the most common) when the story was not about the Indian scientist’s work or when the Indian scientist wasn’t widely acknowledged as one of the best experts on the topic. Apart from the reasons mentioned above, Indian scientists by and large are unable to speak about their work and/or their field in creative ways. If you mean what they ought to consider: these are a dime a dozen. Perhaps the most important issue is that India is a country of countries. Something that applies in the country’s north isn’t likely to apply in the country’s south or east or the northeast, in terms of class, gender, caste, aspirations, etc. Among these variables, the caste-gender combine is a particularly thorny one and journalists, both within the country and without, get this wrong in one of two ways a lot of the time. Inadvertently: by overrepresenting the voices – and views, priorities, morals, politics – of male upper-caste scientists, and thus at risk of building a narrative that is unlikely to conflict with the forces currently endangering democratic and constitutional rights in India right now in a more than superficial way. Deliberately: which is to do the same thing as in the inadvertent case but in order to erase the voices of everyone but those in a thin stratum of society.

    Another thing foreign journalists should know when they’re covering issues on the caste-gender axes is that they might believe any independent expert will in fact provide an independent opinion. But caste affinities in the country have been known to transcend one’s commitment to science or even to their professional ethics. So, and crass as this may sound, journalists may be better off quoting non-Brahmins if the question at hand concerns the conduct of Brahmins, or in fact any so-called ‘upper-caste group’. There are several experts who are exceptions to this ‘rule’, but unless a reporter is completely sure that they have identified one such expert, they should keep looking.

    Obviously all this is going to matter less in a story about what the Higgs boson is but even here, journalists are constantly at risk of misrepresenting who is or can be a particle physicist in India. If I had to codify this as advice for anyone looking for it, I’ll only say don’t be fooled by the Indian government’s claim to the country being any kind of superpower, and look closer.

    I also have an addendum, although I’m not sure if it’s relevant to your question: if foreign journalists are following up on something that Indian journalists have done, please give credit.

    With government scientists, email is often the only option for communications and interviews, whereas scientists at independent facilities may have more flexibility. Why?

    The possibilities include the two potential reasons you’d mentioned – that they need a written record and/or they need the approval of their superiors. In fact, the latter is more common than it’s made out to be and it sometimes also manifests in a particularly frustrating way: whereby scientists at some institutes are likelier to talk to members of the foreign press instead of those working for establishments within India. In my experience, I’ve encountered two reasons for this, and sometimes they’re working together: Indian scientists don’t trust the Indian press (possibly because they’ve had a bad experience when they’ve been misquoted in the past or because they don’t know whom to trust, whereas some foreign publications – like the NYT – are more ‘well established’, so to speak, or because they’re conflating science journalism with public relations) and/or because their institute doesn’t want to be seen speaking to journalists who are employed by organisations that are critical of the national government.

    The latter hasn’t been something I could prove with data but there are several anecdotes. As it happens, in India, there’s a set of rules called Central Civil Services (Conduct) Rules 1964 that specify – among other things – that employees of government facilities aren’t allowed to speak negatively of government policies. Some institutes have of late interpreted these Rules very strictly to mean they can’t comment on government actions and laws altogether. But in 2015, the Allahabad high court ruled that the staff of a university that’s funded by the Central government don’t have to abide by these Rules – but the Rules remain in the picture and have been invoked by institute authorities to prevent their colleagues from speaking to the press. Then again, of late, some parts of the country have been emboldened or cowed down by the national government, as the case may be – implicitly, not explicitly, by passively condoning the persecution of people who engage in “anti-national activities” – to demand new staff and students to sign an undertaking that they won’t engage in “anti-national activities”. This term is vaguely defined for a reason, so the government or any body with power can invoke it to punish anything it finds inconvenient in future. The government of Uttar Pradesh state even promulgated an ordinance in 2019 demanding private universities do this! It’s against this broader background that I think scientists at government institutes tend to prefer communicating via email.

    Working around a lack of transcription services

    Of course, it takes more time to produce a story. The longest transcription I’ve had to work through took me three hours but I know peers who’ve spent several days transcribing quotes collected over one or two days of field work. The point is also labour here: about commissioning editors being aware of the fact that the reporter might be doing more work and paying them more for that and/or making other allowances. There are now some new open-source tools in the works that are based on training ML algorithms to ‘understand’ different accents (like this one) with potential to be used to build region-specific transcription services. I hope these models are also trained on Indian accents of English – all the several hundreds, I suppose! – and made available for (affordable) commercial use soon.

    On what’s lost when most science stories exclude scientists from many parts of the world

    Many, many things are lost. I don’t know if I can ever furnish a complete answer to this question! The most well-known losses I think are the ideas that good science as well as good science communication happen in parts of the world other than in the wealthiest countries, and that science can be done or imagined in ways other than those that have been institutionalised in these countries. You lose perspectives shaped by histories that your communities never lived through. I also fear that, over time, the habituated oversight of scientists from West, South, and Southeast Asia, Africa, Eastern Europe, and South America could create the impression among new journalists that nothing is lost when they also don’t speak to these scholars. To extend this further: overlooking scientists from these places also overlooks their science, which in turn overlooks the efforts of science journalists navigating, communicating, and interrogating it, and the communities grappling with it.

    There is one loss that is more immediate: when journalists don’t include scientists from other parts of the world in their reports, those scientists and their work are rendered further invisible, in addition to the invisibility imposed by history, nationalism (as is the case in many countries, including India today), censorship, revisionism, etc. This may well be inadvertent, and obviously I can’t straightforwardly expect a journalist from Europe or the U.S. to be concerned about the fortunes of an Indian scientist. But I think it’s fair to expect them to square this against the global reach and influence of some of the publications for which they write, such as The New Yorker, The New York Times, Nature, or The Guardian, among others. In exchange for the far-reaching ‘privilege to influence’ afforded by these publications, journalists must tread lightly, carefully, and be constantly alert to the possibility that their stories are incomplete. (Also see the related Daniel Mansur example below.)

    One piece of advice to journalists interested in including scientists from more countries

    My number one piece of advice would be to include sources from countries you haven’t usually included. We just need more people to do this right now.

    A close second: appropriately credit everyone who helped you locate the right scientists in their respective countries, gave you the local context, etc.

    Once these two things happen, everything else can be figured out.

    What I wish readers in English-speaking know about scientists doing their work in India

    The countries that are currently typically underrepresented in science stories are often countries that are less economically developed (and whose growth pathways today are complicated by climate commitments, emission controls, inflation, war, etc.). So I’d like to replace the “primarily English-speaking” … with “economically developed”.

    What I wish readers from economically developed countries knew are largely the invisible things in their own countries that they probably take for granted. I experienced this firsthand in 2014, when I went to New York to pursue a graduate degree in science reporting. I dropped out after a few months partly because I realised that many of the problems that we’re used to dealing with on a day-to-day basis in India just didn’t exist in New York, from labour rights to the quality of public infrastructure, from access to the bare minimum research facilities to bureaucratic probity. These gaps often manifest as unseen forces on anyone working in India (scientists, science journalists, etc.) which lead in turn to choices that might seem alien to someone not used to them. I realised that I wasn’t interested in learning to practise a journalism of a science that was free from these forces because, where I come from, everything we do admits them in some way. And they exert a stress that, by and large, makes life in this milieu much less enjoyable. They impose a cognitive burden that forces people to plan ahead in ways that people in, say, the U.S. wouldn’t have to. Sometimes they result in trauma that’s very region- and culture-specific.

    I remember an interview I read in 2018 of a scientist named Daniel Mansur in Brazil, where he uses a hypothetical example in which he and his peers in a ‘richer’ university like Stanford both separately submit papers to a journal on the same idea or experiment or whatever. If the journal asks both groups to submit additional tests of the idea, according to Dr. Mansur, his group will have to wait for six months just to get the next batch of reagents. On the other hand, the Stanford group can purchase them because they’re made locally, and it purchases higher quality reagents, plus it has access to a bigger pool of postdocs, so it’s able to get back to the journal in a short span of time – whereas the group in Brazil is still waiting for the shipment. I mean stuff like this. If you include women’s safety, caste- and gender-based discrimination, anti-intellectualism, state-condoned pseudoscience, legal hurdles to sharing or receiving biological specimens, compulsions to conduct research, horrific delays in scholarship disbursement, etc. – all major issues in contemporary India – you have a situation in which no one may be explicitly discouraging you, but where you feel discouraged nonetheless from pursuing scientific work.

    So I wish people in the economically developed countries understood the sort of big, compounded problems that can arise out of slight differences in one’s socio-economic and political realities, how that affects one’s work (including scientific and journalistic work; also see: ‘My country is burning. Why should I work?’), and then perhaps we can all begin to reckon with our respective complicities.

  • Where do scientists communicate their work?

    A group of Spanish researchers analysed the mentions of scientific papers authored by scientists (affiliated with Spain) on the social media, on Wikipedia, and on news outlets, blogs and policy documents to understand where the consumers of such scientific information were located. They selected 3,653 authors, and the following platforms/modes in their analysis: Twitter, Facebook (public pages only), Wikipedia citations, news mentions, blogs, and peers (“number of received post-publication review in forums such as PubPeer or Publons”). Per their April 11 arXiv preprint paper:

    • Social science, environment or ecology, clinical medicine, and agricultural sciences papers had good traction on all platforms/modes.
    • Space sciences, geosciences, plant and animal science, biology and biochemistry, molecular biology and genetics, and neuroscience and behaviour had good traction on all platforms/modes except policy reports.
    • Immunology, psychiatry/psychology, microbiology, pharmacology and toxicology, chemistry, physics, engineering, and materials science had moderate traction on all platforms/modes.
    • Of the lot in the point above, immunology found greater mention in “policy reports”, microbiology on Facebook, psychiatry on Wikipedia, and physics in news reports and on blogs.
    • Finally, arts and humanities, mathematics, computer science, and economics and business had the “lowest dissemination” on all these channels.
    • Overall: “social media plays a central role, blogs and news mentions play an intermediate role, and Wikipedia and policy mentions are positioned in the periphery”.

    Clearly a useful study, even if it is limited to authors in/from Spain – something the paper itself neglects to mention until page 7.

    The data for the analysis was retrieved on March 2021, and the papers included were published between 2016 and 2020. I am not sure if 2020 was included; if it was, the papers on microbiology, molecular biology, pharmacology, and immunology could be over-represented in the results, including the last one in “policy reports”.

    Even then the results are valuable because they indicate where the science communicators need to be. I would also be interested where the (Spanish?) misinformation and disinformation in these fields are and whether there is any overlap of channels. (An overlap would be unsurprising if only because false information spreads faster, at least on Twitter.)

    The authors of the study write in conclusion:

    The requirements for defining a communication policy cannot be the same in areas such as Clinical Medicine, which receives great attention from all channels, or Mathematics, which captures less social interest. Likewise, there are scientific fields where a certain channel is particularly relevant. We can conclude that a research dissemination plan or a transfer plan should be adapted to the area in which researchers publish.

  • Why there’s no guarantee that Musk’s Twitter will resemble Dorsey’s

    A lot of folks are saying they’re not going to leave Twitter, in the wake of Elon Musk’s acquisition of the social media platform, because Musk and its once and long-time CEO and cofounder Jack Dorsey aren’t very different: both are billionaires, tech-bros, libertarian and pro-cryptocurrencies. And they say that they did okay under Dorsey, so why wouldn’t we under Musk? I find this argument to only be partly acceptable. The other part is really two parts.

    First, Twitter under Dorsey is significantly different because he cofounded the platform and nurtured through a few years of relative quiescence, followed by a middle period and finally to the decidedly popular platform that it is today. (I joined Twitter in the middle period, in 2008, when it was hard to say if the next person you were going meet in real-life was be on Twitter. Today the converse is true.)

    Musk, however, is inheriting a more matured platform, and one whose potential he believes hasn’t been “fulfilled”. I’m not sure what that means, and the things Musk has said on Twitter itself haven’t inspired confidence. Both men may be evil billionaires but setting aside the sorts of things Dorsey supports for a moment, you’ve got to admit he doesn’t have nearly the persona, the reputation and the cult-following that Musk does. These differences distinguish these men in significant ways vis-à-vis a social media platform – a beast that’s nothing like EVs, spaceflight or renewables.

    (In fact, if Musk were to adopt an engineer’s approach to ‘fixing’ whatever he believes he’s wrong with Twitter, there are many examples of the sort of problematic solutions that could emerge here.)

    The second part of the “Musk and Dorsey are pretty much the same” misclaim is that a) Musk is taking the company private and b) Musk has called himself a “free-speech absolutist”. I’m not a free-speech absolutist, in fact most of the people who have championed free speech in my circles are not. Free-speech absolutism is the view that Twitter (in this context) should support everyone’s right to free speech without any limitations on what they’re allowed to say. To those like me who reject the left-right polarisation in society today in favour of the more accurate pro-anti democracy polarisation, Twitter adopting Musk’s stance as policy would effectively recast attempts to curtail abuse and harrassment directed at non-conservative voices as “silencing the right”, and potentially allow their acerbic drivel to spread unchecked on the platform.

    Running Twitter famously affected Dorsey. Unless we can be sure that the platform and its users will have the same effect on Musk, and temper his characteristic mercuriality, Twitter will remain a place worth leaving.

  • Free-speech as an instrument of repression

    One of the more eye-opening discussions on Elon Musk’s attempt to take control of Twitter, and the Twitter board’s attempts to defend the company from the bid, have been playing out on Hacker News (here and, after Twitter’s response, here) – the popular discussion board for topics related to the tech industry. The first discussion has already racked up over 3,000 comments, considered high for topics on the platform – but most of them are emblematic of the difference between the industry’s cynical view of politics and that of those who have much more skin in the game, for whom it’s a problem of regulation, moral boundaries and, inevitably, the survival of democracies. (Here is one notable exception.)

    For example, the majority of comments on the first discussion are concerned with profits, Twitter’s management, the stock market and laws pertaining to shareholding. The second one also begins with a comment along similar lines, repeating some points made in the ‘All In Podcast’, together with an additional comment about how “one AI engineer from Tesla could solve Twitter’s bot and spam problem”. The podcast is hosted by Chamath Palihapitiya, Jason Calacanis, David Sacks and David Friedberg, all investors and entrepreneurs of the Silicon Valley variety. A stream of comments rebuts this one, but in terms of it being an engineering problem instead of the kind of place Twitter might be if Musk takes ownership.

    There have also been several comments either along the lines of or premised on the fact that “many people don’t use Twitter anyway, so Twitter’s board shouldn’t deprive its shareholders of the generous premium that Musk is offering”. Not many people use Twitter compared to Facebook – but the platform is in sufficient use in India and in other countries for its misuse to threaten journalists, activists and protestors, to undermine public dialogue on important government policies, and to spread propaganda and misinformation of great consequence. Such a mentality – to take the money and run, courtesy of a business mogul worth $260 billion – represents an onion of problems, layer over layer, but most of all that those running a company in one small part of one country can easily forget that social media platforms are sites of public dialogue, that enable new forms of free speech, in a different country.

    If Twitter goes down, or goes to Musk, which is worse, those who are nervous enough will switch to Mastodon (I have been running a server for three years now), but if this is an acceptable outcome, platforms like Twitter can only encourage cynicism when they seek to cash in on their identities as supporters of free speech but then buckle with something Muskesque comes calling. Thus far, Twitter hasn’t buckled, which is heartening, but since it is a private company, perhaps it is just a matter of time.

    Another point that grates at me is that there seems to be little to no acknowledgment in the Hacker News discussions that there are constitutional limits to free speech in all democracies. (Again, there are nearly 4,000 comments on both discussions combined, so I could have missed some.) As Article 19(2) of the Indian Constitution reads:

    (2) Nothing in sub-clause (a) of clause (1) shall affect the operation of any existing law, or prevent the State from making any law, in so far as such law imposes reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause in the interests of 4[the sovereignty and integrity of India], the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence.

    Musk has said he wants to take over Twitter because, in a letter he wrote to the company, it “will neither thrive nor serve [its free speech] societal imperative in its current form. Twitter needs to be transformed as a private company.” He also said separately that “having a public platform that is maximally trusted and broadly inclusive is extremely important to the future of civilisation”. Yet his own conviction in the virtues of free-speech absolutism has blinded him from seeing he’s simply bullying Twitter into changing its agenda, or that he is bullying its hundreds of millions of users into accepting his.

    He also seems unable to acknowledge that “maximally trusted and broadly inclusive” – by which I’m not-so-sure he means both the far-left and the far-right should be allowed to mouth off, without any curbs – points only to one type of social media platform: one that is owned, run and used by the people (Mastodon is one example). As another point from the ‘All In Podcast’ was quoted on the forum: “The elites have somehow inverted history so they now believe that it is not censorship that is the favored tool of fascists and authoritarians, even though every fascist and despot in history used censorship to maintain power, but instead believe free speech, free discourse, and free thought are the instruments of repression.” It’s hard to tell which ‘free speech’ they mean: the one in both the US and India, where it is limited in ways that are designed to protect the safety of the people and their rights, or the lopsided one in Musk’s mind that free speech must be guaranteed in the absolute.

    I have no interest in listening to the podcast – but the latter is entirely plausible: while keeping the rest of us occupied with fact-checking The Party’s lies, lodging police complaints against its violent supporters and protecting the rights of the poor and the marginalised, the ministers can run the country in peace.

  • The BJP’s fake news (fake?) meeting

    Reuters published a very interesting report on February 2, entitled ‘Exclusive-In heated meeting, India seeks tougher action from U.S. tech giants on fake news’. Excerpt:

    Indian officials have held heated discussions with Google, Twitter and Facebook for not proactively removing what they described as fake news on their platforms, sources told Reuters, the government’s latest altercation with Big Tech.

    The officials, from the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (I&B), strongly criticised the companies and said their inaction on fake news was forcing the Indian government to order content takedowns, which in turn drew international criticism that authorities were suppressing free expression, two sources said.

    I’d have thought any good-faith attempt to crack down on fake news on social media and news-aggregation platforms will inevitably crack down on right-wing content generation enterprises, including the BJP’s bot/troll armies, its ministers and ‘news’ outlets like The Daily GuardianOpIndia, etc. So BJP government officials getting worked up over this issue is insightful: contrary to what I thought was usually implied, the government honestly believes news that is at odds with its narratives is fake – or, knowing that Google, Facebook and Twitter will push back, this is the government’s ploy to be seen to be taking fake news on these platforms seriously without eventually having to do anything about it.

    The government has an able collaborator in Google at least, whose executives had a solution for the government officials’ problem: reduce transparency.

    Executives from Google told the I&B officials that one way to resolve that was for the ministry to avoid making takedown decisions public. The firms could work with the government and act on the alleged fake content, which could be a win-win for both sides, Google said, according to one of the sources.

    Interestingly again, according to Reuters, officials “summarily rejected” this idea because the “takedowns also publicise how the companies weren’t doing enough to tackle fake news on their own”. This “heated exchange” sounds like the real win-win to me: the party comes off looking like a) it’s opposed to fake news and b) its social-media legions aren’t engaged in manufacturing fake news, while these ‘tech giants’ don’t alienate the political right and protect their profits.

  • ‘Science people’

    Two of the most annoying kinds of ‘science people’ I’ve come across on social media of late:

    • Those who perform rationalism – These people seem to know a small subset of things well and the rest on faith, and claim to know that “science can explain everything” without being able to explain it themselves. Champions of science’s right to explanation, typically to the exclusion of social and cultural influences and to the rejection of faith/religion. Often woke-types found explaining “science” they read in some paper and more often than not (and inadvertently) advancing scientistic positions.
    • Vocational practitioners of science – These people seem to know a small subset of things well but are unable to apply the fundamentals of what they’ve learnt to other topics, typically to the effect that we have well-educated people openly suspecting if vaccines cause disease or that China created the virus. Often engineers of some sort, probably because of the environments of entitlement in which they’re trained and subsequently employed, and frequently centrists.

    Of course, a trait that partly defines these two groups is also a strong confounding factor: these are often the loudest people on the social media – so they get noticed more, while the quieter but likely more sensible people are noticed less, leading to inchoate observations like this one. However, these two groups of people remain the most annoying.

  • The overlay bias

    I’m not very fond of some highly popular pieces of writing (I won’t name them because I’m nervous about backlash from authors and/or their supporters) because a part of their popularity is undeniably rooted in technological ‘solutions’ that asymmetrically promote work published in the solution’s country of origin.

    My favourite example is Pocket, the app that allows users to save copies of articles to read later, offline if required. Not long ago, Pocket introduced an extension for the Google Chrome browser (which counts hundreds of millions of users) such that every time you opened a new tab, it would show you three articles lots of other Pocket users have read and liked. It’s fairly brainless, ergo presumably non-malicious, and you’d expect the results to be distributed equally from among magazines, journals, etc. published around the world.

    However, nine times out of ten – but often more – I’d find articles by NYT, The Atlantic, The Baffler, etc. there. I was reluctant to blame Pocket at first, considering their algorithm seemed too simple, but then I realised Pocket was just the last in a long line of other apps and algorithms that simply amplified existing biases.

    Before Pocket, for example, there might have been Twitter, Facebook or some other platform that allowed stories from some domains (nytimes.com, thebaffler.com, etc.) to persist for longer on users’ feeds because they were more easily perceived to be legitimate than articles from other sources, say, a Venezuelan newspaper, a Kenyan blog, a Pakistani magazine or a Vietnamese journal. Or there might have been Nuzzle, which auto-compiles a digest of articles that others your friends on the social media have shared most – likely unmindful of the fact that people quite often share headlines, or domains they’d like to be known to be reading, instead of the articles themselves.

    This is a social magnification like the biological magnification in nature, whereby toxic substances pile up in greater quantities in the gizzards of animals higher up in the food chain. Here, perceptions of legitimacy and quality accumulate in greater quantities in the feeds and timelines of people who consume, or even glance through, the most information. And this way, a general consciousness of what’s considered desirable erects itself without anything drastic, with just the more fleeting and mindless actions of millions of people, into a giant wheel of information distribution that constantly feeds itself its own momentum.

    As the wheel turns, and The Atlantic publishes an article, it doesn’t just publish a good article that draws hundreds of thousands of readers. It also rides a wheel set in motion by American readers, American companies, American developers, American interests and American dollars, with a dollop of historical imperialism, that quietly but surely brings the world a good article plus a good-natured reminder that The Atlantic is good and that readers needn’t go looking for anything else because The Atlantic has them covered.

    As I wondered in 2017, and still do: “Will my peers in India have been farther along in their careers had there been an equally influential Indian for-publishers tech stack?” Then again, how much is one more amplifier, Pocket or anything else, going to change?

    I went into this tirade because of this Twitter thread, which describes a similar issue with arXiv – the popular preprint repo for physical sciences, computer science and applied mathematics papers (don’t @ me to quibble over arXiv’s actual remit). As the tweeter Jia-Bin Huang writes, the manuscripts that were uploaded last – i.e. most recently – to arXiv are displayed on top of the output stack, and what’s displayed on top of the stack gets more citations and readership.

    This is a very simple algorithm, quite like Pocket’s algorithm, but in both cases they’re algorithms overlaid on existing bias-amplifying architectures. In a sense, they’re akin to the people who might stand by and watch a lynching, neither egging the perpetrators on nor stopping them. If the metaphor is brutal, remember that the effects on any publication or scientist that can’t infiltrate or ‘hack’ social biases are brutal as well. While their contents and their ideas might deserve international readership, these publications and scientists will need to spend more – energy, resources, effort – to grab international attention again and again.

    The example Jia-Bin Huang cites is of scientists in Asia, who – unlike their American counterparts – can’t upload a paper on arXiv just before the deadline so that their papers sit on top of the stack because 2 pm in New York is 3 am in Taipei.

    As some replies to the thread indicated, the people maintaining arXiv can easily solve the problem by waiting for the deadline to pass, then randomising the order of papers displayed in its email blast – but as Jia-Bin Huang notes, doing that would mean negating the just-in-time advantage that arXiv’s American users enjoy. So here we are.

    It isn’t hard to see how we can extend the same suggestion to the world’s Pockets and Nuzzles. Pick your millions of users’ thousand most-read articles, mix up their order – even weigh down popular American publishers if necessary – and finally advertise the first ten items from this list. But ultimately, until technological solutions actively negate the biases they overlie, Pocket will lie on the same spectrum as the tools that produce the biases. I admit fact-checking in this paradigm could be labour-intensive, as could relevance-checking vis-à-vis arXiv, but I also think the latter would be better problems to solve.

  • In defence of ignorance

    Wish I may, wish I might
    Have this wish, I wish tonight
    I want that star, I want it now
    I want it all and I don’t care how

    Metallica, King Nothing

    I’m a news editor who frequently uses Twitter to find new stories to work on or follow up. Since the lockdown began, however, I’ve been harbouring a fair amount of FOMO born, ironically, from the fact that the small pool of in-house reporters and the larger pool of freelancers I have access to are all confined to their homes, and there’s much less opportunity than usual to step out, track down leads and assimilate ground reports. And Twitter – the steady stream of new information from different sources – has simply accentuated this feeling, instead of ameliorating it by indicating that other publications are covering what I’m not. No, Twitter makes me feel like I want it all.

    I’m sure this sensation is the non-straightforward product of human psychology and how social media companies have developed algorithms to take advantage of it, but I’m fairly certain (despite the absence of a personal memory to corroborate this opinion) that individual minds of the pre-social-media era weren’t marked by FOMO, and more certain that they were marked less so. I also believe one of the foremost offshoots of the prevalence of such FOMO is the idea that one can be expected to have an opinion on everything.

    FOMO – the ‘fear of missing out’ – is essentially defined by a desire to participate in activities that, sometimes, we really needn’t participate in, but we think we need to simply by dint of knowing about those activities. Almost as if the brains of humans had become habituated to making decisions about social participation based solely on whether or not we knew of them, which if you ask me wouldn’t be such a bad hypothesis to apply to the pre-information era, when you found out about a party only if you were the intended recipient of the message that ‘there is a party’.

    However, most of us today are not the intended recipients of lots of information. This seems especially great for news but it also continuously undermines our ability to stay in control of what we know or, more importantly, don’t know. And when you know, you need to participate. As a result, I sometimes devolve into a semi-nervous wreck reading about the many great things other people are doing, and sharing their experiences on Twitter, and almost involuntarily develop a desire to do the same things. Now and then, I even sense the seedling of regret when I look at a story that another news outlet has published, but which I thought I knew about before but simply couldn’t pursue, aided ably by the negative reinforcement of the demands on me as a news editor.

    Recently, as an antidote to this tendency – and drawing upon my very successful, and quite popular, resistance to speaking Hindi simply because a misguided interlocutor presumes I know the language – I decided I would actively ignore something I’m expected to have an opinion on but there being otherwise no reason that I should. Such a public attitude exists, though it’s often unspoken, because FOMO has successfully replaced curiosity or even civic duty as the prime impetus to seek new information on the web. (Obviously, this has complicated implications, such as we see in the dichotomy of empowering more people to speak truth to power versus further tightening the definitions of ‘expert’ and ‘expertise’; I’m choosing to focus on the downsides here.)

    As a result, the world seems to be filled with gas-bags, some so bloated I wonder why they don’t just float up and fuck off. And I’ve learnt that the hardest part of the antidote is to utter the words that FOMO has rendered most difficult to say: “I don’t know”.

    A few days ago, I was chatting with The Soufflé when he invited me to participate in a discussion about The German Ideology that he was preparing for. You need to know that The Soufflé is a versatile being, a physicist as well as a pluripotent scholar, but more importantly The Soufflé knows what most pluripotent scholars don’t: that no matter how much one is naturally gifted to learn this or that, knowing something needs not just work but also proof of work. I refused The Soufflé’s invitation, of course; my words were almost reflexive, eager to set some distance between myself and the temptation to dabble in something just because it was there to dabble. The Soufflé replied,

    I think it was in a story by Borges, one of the characters says “Every man should be capable of all ideas, and I believe that in the future he will be.” 🙂

    To which I said,

    That was when the world was simpler. Now there’s a perverse expectation that everyone should have opinions on everything. I don’t like it, and sometimes I actively stay away from some things just to be able to say I don’t want to have an opinion on it. Historical materialism may or may not be one of those things, just saying.

    Please bear with me, this is leading up to something I’d like to include here. The Soufflé then said,

    I’m just in it for the sick burns. 😛 But OK, I get it. Why do you think that expectation exists, though? I mean, I see it too. Just curious.

    Here I set out my FOMO hypothesis. Then he said,

    I guess this is really a topic for a cultural critic, I’m just thinking out loud… but perhaps it is because ignorance no longer finds its antipode in understanding, but awareness? To be aware is to be engaged, to be ‘caught up’ is to be active. This kind of activity is low-investment, and its performance aided by social media?

    If you walked up to people today and asked “What do you think about factory-farmed poultry?” I’m pretty sure they’d find it hard to not mention that it’s cruel and wrong, even if they know squat about it. So they’re aware, they have possibly a progressive view on the issue as well, but there’s no substance underneath it.

    Bingo.

    We’ve become surrounded by socio-cultural forces that require us to know, know, know, often sans purpose or context. But ignorance today is not such a terrible thing. There are so many people who set out to know, know, know so many of the wrong ideas and lessons that conspiracy theories that once languished on the fringes of society have moved to the centre, and for hundreds of millions of people around the world stupid ideas have become part of political ideology.

    Then there are others who know but don’t understand – which is a vital difference, of the sort that The Soufflé pointed out, that noted scientist-philosophers have sensibly caricatured as the difference between the thing and the name of the thing. Knowing what the four laws of thermodynamics or the 100+ cognitive biases are called doesn’t mean you understand them – but it’s an extrapolation that social-media messaging’s mandated brevity often pushes us to make. Heck, I know of quite a few people who are entirely blind to this act of extrapolation, conflating the label with the thing itself and confidently penning articles for public consumption that betrays a deep ignorance (perhaps as a consequence of the Dunning-Kruger effect) of the subject matter – strong signals that they don’t know it in their bones but are simply bouncing off of it like light off the innards of a fractured crystal.

    I even suspect the importance and value of good reporting is lost on too many people because those people don’t understand what it takes to really know something (pardon the polemic). These are the corners the push to know more, all the time, often even coupled to capitalist drives to produce and consume, has backed us to. And to break free, we really need to embrace that old virtue that has been painted a vice: ignorance. Not the ignorance of conflation nor the ignorance of the lazy but the cultivated ignorance of those who recognise where knowledge ends and faff begins. Ignorance that’s the anti-thing of faff.

  • Social media and science communication

    The following article was originally intended for an Indian publication but I withdrew from the commission because I couldn’t rework the piece according to changes they required, mostly for lack of focus. I thank Karnika Kohli and Shruti Muralidhar for their inputs.

    Since the mid-20th century, the news-publishing industry has wielded the most influence on people’s perception of what science is, what its responsibilities and goals are, and what scientists do. The internet changed this by disrupting how news-publishers made money.

    In 2012, The Hindu used to sell a copy of its newspaper in Chennai for Rs 4.50 (or so) while it used to cost the publisher Rs 24 to print each copy. The publisher would make up the deficit by soliciting and printing ads from advertisers in different parts of the newspaper. The first major change in this regard was Google and the new centrality of its search engine to exploring the internet. Sites were keen to have their pages ‘rank’ better on search results and began to modify their content according to what Google wanted, giving rise to the industry of search-engine optimisation.

    Second, Google AdSense allowed websites to run ads as well as advertisers to target specific users in line with which websites they visited and their content consumption patterns. Third, once Google News started becoming a major news aggregator, news sites re-tailored their content according to its specific needs, including reinterpreting the news in terms of the preferences of Google News and its users.

    Fourth, bandwidth became cheaper around the world but especially in India, reducing the cost of accessing the internet and bringing more people online. In response, social media platforms — especially Facebook — began to set up walled gardens to keep these users from leaving the platform and consuming the news elsewhere. And when traffic to sites plummeted, their ads-based revenue came crashing down.

    The effect of these ‘gardens’ has become so pronounced that recently, a paper in the journal Experimental Economics found that college students who went off Facebook consumed less news. This conclusion suffixes the belief that most people, especially in the 18-24 age group, consume the news on social media platforms with the notion that they don’t consume news anywhere else.

    In another instance, Google at long last become a walled garden proper in August 2019: the fraction of its users who consumed the news on the site itself instead of following a link through to the publisher’s site had breached the 50% mark.

    Finally, because the social media made it so easy to share information, citizen-journalism became more appealing, even lucrative. At the same time, social media platforms, which constantly evolve to accommodate their users’ aspirations, began to chip away at the need for public-spirited journalism. As a result, the amount of ‘bad information’ in the public domain exploded even as people become more unwilling to acknowledge that this was all the more reason society needed good journalists.

    Obviously all of this is bound to have profound implications for how social media users perceive science. But while this isn’t easy to gauge without a dedicated, long-term study, it is possible to extrapolate based on what we know from anecdotal experiences. Through this exercise, let’s also move beyond the logistics of using the social media well and spotlight the virtues of getting on these platforms that so many people love to hate.

    Broadly, social media allows users to organise information in a fixed number of ways but doesn’t give users control over how they are displayed. This limitation is good because the platform sidesteps the paradox of choice and forces users to focus only on what they are saying. But it is also bad because the limitation eliminates diversity of presentation, sometimes forcing users to shoehorn an idea into a note or image when a longer article or an interactive graphic would work better.

    Second, social media platforms incentivise some user behaviours over others, which then constrains how users can present scientific results.

    These two arcs are united by the fact that these platforms have socialised the consumption of news (and the production as well to some extent). That is, users discover a lot of news these days in social settings, such as in conversation with other users or in the timelines of accounts they follow. Such discovery happens after the news has been filtered through the lenses of others’ interests, encouraging users to follow users whose tastes they like and views they endorse, and stay away from others. This tendency is psychologically rewarding because it contributes to building the echo chamber, which is then economically rewarding for the platform’s owners.

    All together, the social media — comprising platforms whose motive is profit and not social and psychological wellbeing — are populist by design. They privilege popularity over accuracy and logical value. In this regard, it would be hubristic to assume that the public perception of science has been separately or distinctly affected by general social-media use patterns.

    Then again, these patterns have also helped mature the old idea that public debates aren’t won or lost on the back of strong scientific evidence or clever logical arguments. More generally, science communication in India is becoming more popular at the same time Indians are becoming more aware of the socio-political consequences of our digital lives and worlds. This simultaneity has the potential to birthe a generation of more conscientious and social-media-savvy science communicators that can devise clever ways to work around apparent barriers.

    For example, scientists can adapt an app that has been designed to communicate speed, say by allowing users to rapidly compose and share text, pictures or videos, to meaningfully convey changes in that speed. They could highlight how different parts of a long experiment can proceed at different paces: sluggishly when growing a bacterial culture overnight and rapidly when some chemical reactions with it produce results in seconds.

    Communicators can also ‘hack’ social-media echo chambers by setting up small, homogenous online communities. According to one 2018 study, such groups can “maximise the amount of information available to an individual” according to their preferences. The study argues that such “homophilic segregation can be efficient and even Pareto-optimal for society”.

    Finally, the limits on how users can organise and present information has in fact incentivised those who had stayed away from communicating science for lack of time and/or resources to sign up. Maintaining a blog or writing articles for newspapers can be laborious. Additionally, writing for the press — the historically most common way to communicate scientific knowledge outside of journals — also means using at least a few hundred words to set readers up before the author can introduce her idea.

    But if you discover that a paper has made a mistake or that you want to explain how something works, you post a few threaded tweets on Twitter in a matter of minutes and you are done. A Facebook note wouldn’t take much longer. Instagram even gives you the added benefit of using a large visual prompt to grab users’ attention. WhatsApp introduced the power to do all of this from your smartphone.

    One remarkable subset of this group is traditionally underprivileged science workers (to use a broader term that encompasses scientists, postdoctoral scholars and lab assistants). While journalists are typically expected to be objective in their assessment, they — like almost everyone else — have been fattened on a diet of upper-caste men as scientists. So in the course of shortening the distance between a communicator and her audience, social media platforms empower less privileged groups otherwise trapped in a vicious media cycle, which renders them more obscure, to become visible.

    Of course, some platforms exact a steep psychological price from users of currently or formerly marginalised groups (including women, transgender people, transsexual people, and pretty much everyone that doesn’t conform to heteronormativity) by forcing them to put up with trolls. So their continued presence on these platforms depends on the support of their institutions, other scientists and science communicators. And should they persist, the rewards range from opportunities to change users’ impression of who/what a scientist is to presenting themselves as a more socially just set of role models to aspiring scientists.

    Obviously populism has downsides that are inimical to how science works and how it needs to be communicated, such as by falsely conflating brevity with conciseness and objectivity with neutrality. But it is always better to have a bunch of people using the social media to communicate science while being aware of its (arguably marginal) pitfalls than to have them avoid communicating altogether. This also seems to be the prevailing spirit among those scientists who recognise the importance of reaching the people, so to speak.

    Science communication is becoming increasingly popular as an interdisciplinary field of its own right, wherein scientists and sociologists team up to determine the general principles of good communication by examining why some stories work so well among certain audiences, how psychological and linguistic techniques could play a part in establishing authority, etc.

    These efforts parallel many scientists taking to Facebook and Twitter, posting updates regularly including comments on the news of the day (at least from their points of view) and offering non-scientists a glimpse of what it is like to be a working scientist in India. Easier access to their views also allows science journalists to contact scientists to understand which developments are worth covering and to solicit comments on the merits of a study or an idea.

    In effect, Snehal Kadam and Karishma Kaushik wrote in IndiaBioscience, “social media discussions and opinions are playing a key role in Indian science. This is evident on multiple fronts, from increasing accessibility to administrators and enforcing policy changes to determining the way the Indian science community wants to be represented and viewed, and even breaking down silos between scientists and citizens.”

    There are many resources to help scientists understand the social media and use these platforms to their advantage — whether to popularise science, find other scientists to collaborate with or debate science-related issues. I don’t want to repeat their salient suggestions (but @IndScicomm is a good place to start), plus I am not a scientist and I will let scientists decide what works for them.

    That said, it is useful to remember that the social media are here to stay. As Efraín Rivera-Serrano, a cell-biology and virology researcher, wrote on PLOS, “These platforms are shaping the future of science and it is imperative for us to exploit these avenues as outreach tools to introduce, showcase, and defend science to the world.”